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Sudanese Diaspora IN Calgary &

Post-Conflict Reconstruction in south Sudan


Marcel Gelein







Supervised by Dr. Rowland Apentiik


Calgary, Alberta

April 2008





ABBREVATIONS & ACRONYMS                                                                                                




CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION                                                                                                             


1.1 Context                                                                                                                                 


1.2 PURPOSE OF STUDY                                                                                                   


1.3 ORGANIZATION OF CHAPTERS                                                                                    



CHAPTER 2: LITERATURE REVIEW                                                                                      


2.1 Post-Conflict Reconstruction (PCR)                                                            


2.2 Diasporas & PCR                                                                                                    






3.1 Theoretical Framework                                                                                  


3.2 RESEARCH METHODOLOGY                                                                                   


3.3 Limitations                                                                                                             




CHAPTER 4: BACKGROUND ON SUDAN                                                                               


4.1 A Brief History                                                                                                              


4.1.1 The Coming of Christianity until Independence in 1956                    


4.1.2 The First Civil War                                                                                                   


4.1.3 The Second Civil War                                                                                             


4.1.4 End to the Civil War & the CPA                                                                         


4.2 SUDANESE DIASPORA                                                                                                      




Chapter 5: Sudanese Diaspora & PCR in south Sudan                                           


5.1 Socio-economic Development                                                                       


5.2 Socio-Political Development                                                                                


5.3 Socio-Cultural Development                                                                               




CHAPTER 6: The Desire, Demand & CHALLENGE to Contribute                           




Chapter 7: Discussion & CONCLUSION                                                                                 



List of References                                                                                                                        





INTERVIEW GUIDELINE                                                                                                          



First and foremost, this thesis would not have been possible without the members of the Sudanese Community in Calgary. They welcomed me without hesitation, shared their lives, experiences, words, and wisdom with me. For this, I am most grateful. I would like to thank Dr. Rowland Apentiik, my supervisor, for his guidance and assistance in the development of this thesis. Also I would like to thank Dr. Doug Brent for his support throughout the year. Lastly, I would like to thank to colleagues at the university and in the greater community who introduced me to numerous amazing people in the Sudanese community.


ASAC            African Sudanese Association of Calgary

CPA               Comprehensive Peace Agreement

DOP               Declaration of Principles

GNU              the Government of National Unity

GoC               the Government of Canada 

GoSS              the Government of South Sudan

GoS                the Government of Sudan

HDI                Human Development Index

IGAD             Intergovernmental Authority of Development

IOM               International Organization of Migration

NEPAD          the New Partnership for Africa's Development

NCP               National Congress Party

NGO              Non-Governmental Organization

NIF                National Islamic Front

ODA              Official Development Assistance

PCR               Post-Conflict Reconstruction

SSLM             Southern Sudan Liberation Movement

SPLM/A         Sudan People's Liberation Movement/Army

UN                 United Nations

UNDP            United Nations Development Programme

UNFPA          United Nations Population Fund

U of C            University of Calgary

WB                World Bank

WHO              World Health Organization



















          (Map: WHO, 2006)






(Gurtong Peace Project, 2008)






In order to provide a better understanding to this study, it is necessary to contextualize the topic. To achieve this, chapter one briefly introduces background information on the subject matter. This information will establish a baseline from which further exploration of the research topic will occur.  


Sudan, is located in north-east Africa (see Figure 1) and is the largest country on the continent at 2,505,813 sq. km with roughly 37.5 million people in 2004 (UNDP, 2008). Khartoum is the capital city located in Khartoum state (CIA Factbook, 2008). Today, Sudan is emerging from nearly 40 years of conflict between the Government of Sudan (GoS) and the once rebel group, turned political party, Sudan People's Liberation Movement/Army (SPLM/A).

In January 2005, the conflict between the two parties came to an end with the signing of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA). The signing formally ended the second civil conflict of twenty-two years, the longest conflict on the continent (UNDP, 2008). The signing of the peace agreement has resulted in the establishment of a semi-autonomous South Sudan of ten states (see Figure 2) and a regional government, the Government of South Sudan (GoSS). The brutal conflict itself was concentrated in South Sudan and left nearly 2 million people dead and 4 million people internally and internationally displaced (UNDP, 2008).

The prolonged conflict, combined with a long history of neglect and marginalization of Southerners by the GoS, leaves South Sudan in a precarious and volatile position, and thus at a turning point in their history in terms of political, economic and social development. Although the signing of the CPA is a positive step in the peace process itself and future development of South Sudan, many challenges remain to be addressed. The infrastructure has been destroyed, basic necessities are lacking, and while the political environment in the South is emerging it is relatively young. Furthermore, the persecution of Southerners based on religious and cultural differences has subsided but memories of a brutal regime and war linger.

As a result of the conflict, many Sudanese have sought a safer life in other countries. Refugees from Sudan have settled in a number of countries around the world. Many of them have settled in cities and towns across Canada, including Calgary, Alberta. Calgary, situated in western Canada, has a population of just over 1 million people and is home to the largest Sudanese-Canadian population in Canada (City of Calgary, 2007; Rajkumar, 2005). The diversity within this group alone is complex; a variety of ethnic backgrounds, languages and religions define this group. Largely, the Diaspora that is in Calgary has left their home country as a consequence of the war in South Sudan. The majority of the Sudanese population in Calgary is from South Sudan and came to Canada to escape the brutality of the GoS. Although many Sudanese currently reside in and adapt to a new life in Calgary, these people maintain an intimate link to their families, friends and the activities that are presently occurring in their home country.



           The purpose of this study is to gain a clearer understanding of the relationship between Sudanese Diaspora and their home country. This study focuses on the contributions of the Sudanese Diaspora in Calgary to South Sudan with specific reference to post-conflict reconstruction (PCR) (to be defined later in this study). This research seeks to investigate how the Sudanese Diaspora in Calgary contribute to the socio-economic, socio-political and socio-cultural development in South Sudan. This study explores this research question in three ways:


  • 1. What is PCR and how do Diasporas relate to the PCR process?
  • 2. What does PCR in South Sudan include and how does the Sudanese Diaspora contribute to PCR in South Sudan?
  • 3. What are the desires, demands and challenges that the Diaspora face in Calgary and how does this limit their ability to contribute to the PCR process in South Sudan?



The thesis is divided into seven chapters. Chapter one provides the context, purpose and objectives of the study. Chapter two covers relevant literature on PCR and Diasporas that is used to develop the theoretical framework of this thesis that is covered in detail in chapter three. Furthermore, chapter three discusses the research methodology. Chapter four explores the history of Sudan from the time of Christian Nubia to the signing of the CPA to provide a broader context to the study. Chapter five highlights the PCR challenges that exist in South Sudan and specifically how the Sudanese Diaspora contribute to South Sudan in relation to PCR. Chapter six speaks to the desire, demand and challenges of the Diaspora to contribute. Lastly, chapter seven moves into a discussion of findings and concludes the thesis.


This literature review discusses numerous definitions of PCR. This chapter highlights definitions used by the World Bank (WB), United Nations (UN) and the New Partnership for Africa's Development (NEPAD). As well, the relationship between PCR and Diasporas will be brought forward. This will help to highlight how Diasporas may contribute to PCR in their home countries. It must be acknowledged that this literature review cannot possibly examine all the literature on PCR. This literature review will, however, provide a broad overview of the complexities of PCR and the relationship between PCR and Diasporas.


2.1 Post-Conflict Reconstruction

Bercovitch (2007) and Koser (2007) identify that PCR occurs in the post-conflict period, that is, after a conflict has ended and is in the final phase of the conflict cycle. Bercovitch (2007) says that the "[post-conflict phase] describes patterns of activities and interactions that occur after a conflict has ended and a settlement [...] has been agreed to, when efforts are made to ensure that the conflict will not erupt again" (p. 33). Therefore, PCR can only occur when the conflict has ended and long term stability is ensured by some form of a peace agreement.

Once peace has been achieved, PCR activities may occur. There are a variety of definitions and terminology associated with PCR. Barakat (2005) in his research of post-conflict communities states that there is differentiation in the "terminology to describe the process of rebuilding war-torn societies" (p.10). Therefore, Barakat (2005) explains, "[p]ost-war reconstruction, recovery, rehabilitation, peacebuilding and development are often used interchangeably" (p. 10).  Since most of the literature reviewed for this study uses ‘post-conflict reconstruction' frequently, this thesis, defines any activities that occur in the post-conflict phase as post-conflict reconstruction (PCR). To highlight some of the differentiation in terminology and definitions, let us look at variety of international organizations. The World Bank (WB) (quoted in Barakat, 2005) identifies that PCR must include "...investment in key productive sectors, good governance, repairing physical infrastructure, rebuilding...key social infrastructure and normalizing financial borrowing arrangements" (p. 10). However, within this framework, the WB places an overall emphasis on "macroeconomic stabilization and rebuilding physical infrastructure" (WB, 2001).

In contrast to the WB's overarching definition of PCR that focuses on rebuilding economic stability, the UN offers a slightly different perspective, which is defined as post-conflict peacebuilding that has a particular focus on political reforms. Former UN Secretary General Boutros- Ghali (1992) explains that peace building activities must include;

...disarming the previously warring parties and the restoration of order, the custody and possible destruction of weapons, repatriating refugees, advisory and training support for security personnel, monitoring of elections, advancing efforts to protect human rights, reforming or strengthening governmental institutions and promoting formal and informal processes of political participation (UN, 1992).


NEPAD defines post-conflict activities as PCR that include the "long term process of rebuilding the political security, social and economic dimensions of a society emerging from conflict by addressing the root causes of the conflict" (NEPAD, 2005 p. iii). More specifically, the NEPAD emphasizes that PCR is a dynamic

...system that provides short, medium and long term programmes to prevent disputes from escalating, avoid a relapse into violent conflict and to build and consolidate sustainable peace. PCR is ultimately aimed at addressing the root causes of a conflict and to lay the foundations for social justice and sustainable peace. (NEPAD, 2005 p. iv).


The NEPAD (2005) definition places an emphasis on a holistic approach that identifies social, political and economic objectives. It also notes that PCR "should not be understood as absolute, fixed, time-bound or having clear boundaries" and that it should "recognize the uniqueness of each conflict system" (p. v-iv).

Regardless of the different WB, UN and NEPAD definitions, Barakat (2005) believes that there are different aspects of PCR that are facets of a multi-disciplinary process. Essentially, Barakat (2005) identifies that "political theories of reconstruction emphasize the importance of institutions for physical security and stability" (p. 11),  while economic theories emphasize the importance of financial security, and religious or humanitarian theories of reconstruction focus more on people and their capacity to survive (Barakat, 2005). However, Kofi Annan (cited in Hamre and Sullivan, 2002) noted that all PCR tasks are interconnected and that lasting success can only occur through one single coherent strategy. Although one coherent strategy is necessary, it must be appreciated that "every case is different and therefore must be treated differently" (Hamre and Sullivan, 2002 p. 92). Barakat (2005) illustrates how to follow one coherent strategy with different steps that vary according to context. First, PCR must be grounded in supporting conflict affected communities so that they are able to organize and regain control over their own environment. Second, Barakat (2005) explains that PCR must address the underlying causes of the conflict and the reconstruction process must have a shared vision that addresses certain needs (Barakat, 2005). Lastly, it must be recognized that PCR

[...] is fundamentally a development challenge. However, it is not just about national "economic growth" employing liberal market strategies as the WB and other Financial Institutions have the tendency to advocate. [...] reconstruction should be creating hope through delivering tangible benefits to individuals and their communities. Reconstruction as a developmental challenge is about addressing the micro level needs of communities (health, education, environment, employment and political participation) within a macro national strategy driven by the need to reinforce peace as much as by the need to induce growth (Barakat, 2005 p. 12).


In conclusion, PCR is a dynamic and holistic process that cannot be clearly defined. Collectively, WB, NEPAD, and UN definitions each provide meaning and reference to the act of PCR. Specifically the UN and WB provide definitions with specific reference to political or economic PCR process. In contrast, NEPAD's definition presents an overview of PCR that tends to emphasize economic, political and social process that address the root causes of the conflict. Barakat (2005), Annan (2002), and Hamre and Sullivan (2002) supplement NEPAD's definition by highlighting that in addition to the multivariate process, one interconnected coherent strategy that is context specific is necessary. Additionally, Barakat (2005) mentions that the PCR process should address the development challenges thus meeting the specific needs of the conflict affected communities. In conclusion, PCR is a dynamic, holistic and context specific process that cannot be clearly defined. PCR is not one process; it is a multivariate process of activities that simultaneously occur in order to address the root causes of a conflict system.


2.2 Diasporas & PCR

Within the PCR process, there are numerous actors involved, ranging from "non-governmental organizations (NGOs), the private sector, international organizations, multilateral development banks, and civilian agencies of multiple donor governments" (Hamre and Sullivan, 2002, p. 90-91). Each actor, individually or collectively, plays an important role within PCR. One such actor, that has been minimally researched, is Diasporas and their contribution to PCR. Mohamoud (2006) suggests that "the connection between African Diaspora's activities and the dynamics of conflict in their homelands has been largely overlooked in research...despite its critical significance" (p. i). Therefore, this section of the literature review will examine the connection between Diaspora activities and their homeland.

Historically, the term Diaspora has referred to the settling of scattered colonies of Jews from their homeland (Shuval, 2000). However, the term today not only refers to Jews, but to other displaced groups as well (Bercovitch, 2007). Bercovitch (2007) defines Diasporic communities

as transnational communities created as a result of movement of peoples, living in one or more host countries, organized on the basis of solidarity, shared ideas and collective identities, and showing loyalty to, and affinity with, their host country as well as their original homeland (p. 19).


Bercovitch (2007) notes that Diasporas are communities that have settled outside their country of origin maintaining some level of connection with their home country through financial, political, cultural and military contacts.

One way that Diasporas maintain some level of contact with their home country is through remittances (Bercovitch, 2007). Sorensen (2004) considers this to be the most visible connection between migrants and their homelands. The amount of remittances sent to home countries is quite significant. For example, in 2000, remittances totaled 72 billion dollars worldwide, which was more than official development assistance (ODA) for that year (Sorensen, 2004). Another scholar, Mohamoud (2006) states that there are two types of financial remittances: individual and collective. Individual remittances comprise the majority of remittances and are a portion of earnings sent back to the country of origin typically to families and friends to help with subsistence needs, health care, housing, and school fees (Mohamoud, 2006; Sorensen, 2004). Collective remittances are a pool funds gathered by both the Diaspora and other members of the Calgary community for a particular purpose such as community welfare activities or possible conflict promoting efforts (Mohamoud, 2006; Sorensen, 2004). While both individual and collective remittances are important, the potential for collective remittances to be used for less-desirable or conflict promoting activities is worth noting.

Like other studies on PCR and Diaspora, there is a lack of sufficient information with respect to Diaspora political involvement within the homeland (Mohamoud, 2006). Mohamoud (2006) states that African Diaspora are politically active because they were forced to leave their homes as a result of political problems that fuelled violent conflict and civil war.  While it is difficult to generalize the political activities that African Diaspora may take part in it is important to recognize that political activity may be pursued on various levels. Furthermore, Diaspora is not a monolithic identity and for this reason, leeriness about involvement in homeland political involvement should not apply to the whole Diaspora (Mohamoud, 2006). On one hand, Diaspora may support "violent rebel groups" or "warlords" to achieve political means (Mohamoud, 2006 p.8). On the other, Diaspora in democratic nations may transmit ideas to members in their homeland about the "norms, values and institutions which define a democratic polity and which provide equal rights to all" (Bercovitch, 2007 p. 34). Furthermore, during the PCR phase, "the Diaspora due to  their higher educational levels can assist new governments in drafting treaties, agreements and constitutions, identifying policy priorities for social, economic and political reconstruction, and formulating strategies for implementation" (Mohamoud, 2006 p. 7). However, Mohamoud (2006) suggests that Diaspora can be more effective within the peace process if efforts are concentrated outside of political activities but that they can contribute to the political stability within the country by contributing to "livelihoods at the local level" (p. 9).

Diasporas can positively contribute to the "development of a healthy, vibrant civil society in the wake of a conflict within their homeland" (Bercovitch, 2007 p. 34). Friedmann and Douglass (quoted in Beall 2000) state that;

[...] civil society is the part of social life which lies beyond the immediate reach of the state and which must exist for a democratic state to flower. It is the society of households, family networks, civic and religious organizations, and communities that are bound to each other primarily by shared histories, collective memories and cultural norms of reciprocity (p. 441). 


Furthermore, Diaspora transmit ideas between host countries and the homeland that include opinions about "democratic institutions, free media, respect for human rights and gender equity" (Bercovitch, 2007 p. 34). 

Social and cultural influences of Diaspora are equally important to recognize. Social remittances have been identified as the "ideas, practices, identities and social capital that flow from receiving to sending countries" (Sorensen, 2004 p. 8). Social relations between friends and family are maintained through travelers, letters, fax, email, and phone (Sorensen, 2004). Bercovitch (2007) argues that social relations between Diaspora and the home country are crucial to the promotion of justice, truth and reconciliation during the PCR phase. Reconciliation helps the healing process by rebuilding "[...] the webs of relationships, which have been broken down by years of hatred and violence" (Bercovitch, 2007 p. 35). In reconciliation, people that are in the homeland are more likely to take advice from their Diaspora than from ‘outsiders' (Bercovitch, 2007). Members of the Diaspora may be able to offer "expertise, knowledge and understanding of cultural norms and a deeper appreciation of the situation in their homeland" (Bercovitch, 2007 p. 35). Practices undertaken by the Diaspora community such as these may greatly contribute to the social and cultural facets of the PCR phase.

This literature review is an attempt to revisit some of the details on PCR. It can be determined from the literature review that PCR is a dynamic and holistic process that is essentially a development challenge. Furthermore, PCR must be all-encompassing and include a number of key actors that simultaneously contribute to the PCR process. As the literature reveals, the research specifically on Diaspora communities and their activities in the PCR process has been sparse, when in actuality they make significant contributions to the economic, cultural, social and political developments of their home countries.





3.1 Theoretical Framework

The theoretical framework of this research is influenced by the works of Mohamoud (2007), Koser (2007) and Hasic (2004). Mohamoud (2006) and Koser (2007) state that there is an overwhelming amount of negative literature on the relationship between Diasporas and conflict, which overshadows the positive aspects of the relationship. Paul Collier (quoted in Koser, 2007) explains that "external resources provided by Diasporas can spark conflict, and that Diasporas represent a significant risk factor in the re-ignition of conflicts once they have abated" (p. 240). Mohamoud (2006) agrees with Koser by emphasizing that there tends to be a focus "on the activities of the militant and hard-line groups within the Diaspora" although this does not represent the majority within any Diaspora group (p. 5).

Mohamoud (2006) comments further to say that there is "hardly any documented knowledge and information about the long distance activities undertaken by the Congolese, Rwandese and Sudanese" (p. 1). This may be a result of the relatively late emergence of African Diaspora communities due to conflict (Mohamoud, 2006).  A large percentage of research on Diasporas and conflict to date has focused on certain groups such as the "Irish, Sri Lankan Tamils, Sikhs and Kurds" (Mohamoud, 2006, p. 1). Appreciating that all Diaspora groups are dynamic, this research is specifically focused on the Sudanese Diaspora in Calgary, Alberta therefore contributing data to a minimally researched field.

This study is also informed by Hasic (2004), who used a qualitative methodological approach to construct a theory about reconstruction planning in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Similar procedures have been adopted within this research to achieve a more positively balanced perspective on PCR and the role of Diaspora. This methodology was used specifically because "the field of PCR is still developing and there is no clear and established theoretical foundation" (Hasic, 2004, p. 4). Methodology will be discussed in further detail in the following section.



Both primary and secondary data were collected from August 2007 until March 2008 and consisted of interviews that are supplemented by extensive literature review of books, scholarly journals and the World Wide Web. Initially, secondary data collection was necessary to develop the literature review which served to tease out the gaps within the literature. This was helpful in guiding primary data collection as it served to direct the research in a more specific direction. As well, secondary data collection was crucial to gain a better understanding and appreciation of the complexities surrounding the background and history of the conflict, PCR and Diasporas.

As highlighted by Hasic (2004) in section 3.1, a clearly established theory of PCR is lacking, delineating what exactly constitutes PCR. Hasic (2004) moves further to say that "in the post-conflict setting, qualitative research [...] becomes an investigation in which the researcher attempts to understand some larger reality by examining it in a holistic way" (p.43). Thus, applying a qualitative method of research specifically to the Sudanese Diaspora in Calgary provides the opportunity to gain a larger perspective of the Diaspora and their contributions to PCR.      

Primary data allows for a clearer, personal and in depth understanding of local Sudanese Diaspora and their contributions to PCR in South Sudan.  Semi-structured, open-ended interviews are used to compose the breadth of data collection. A total of nine Sudanese men and two Sudanese women who reside in Calgary were interviewed from November 2007 to January 2008. Of these participants, six represented the Nuer ethnicity while five represented the Dinka ethnicity. All participants were born in South Sudan with the exception of one participant who was born in Khartoum but has South Sudanese ethnic background. All participants left Sudan as a result of conflict in their home country. Additionally, I interviewed a Calgary physician who played an intricate role in a program that focused on retraining Sudanese doctors that were returning to Sudan to practice medicine. Although the majority of residents in Calgary are Nuer, Dinka and Bari speaking (Dak, 2007), there are other ethnic groups that reside in Calgary who I was unable to contact. Nonetheless, this sample gives insight to those specific people and their activities but is by no means exhaustive. Participants included a wide variety of individuals with different backgrounds ranging from students, parents, husbands, wives, part time and full time employees, unemployed and or a combination of the above. Interviews included questions on PCR in Sudan: the activities that are undertaken locally to address PCR needs in Sudan, PCR challenges in South Sudan, the means the Diaspora use to address these challenges, relationships between individuals here and individuals back home, and challenges Sudanese face in Calgary that may affect their capacity to contribute to their home country (see Appendix). Interviews revealed how Diaspora contribute to the socio-economic, socio-political and socio-cultural development of South Sudan.

To obtain interview participants, I met Sudanese people within the community through my role as a volunteer focus group facilitator at a local community organization. After my duties of facilitator were completed, I introduced myself as a researcher and student from the University of Calgary (U of C) who was undertaking research that focused on the Sudanese Diaspora in Calgary and their contribution to PCR in South Sudan. I thoroughly explained the project to potential interviewees and was able to gather names and contact information of individuals who were interested. I contacted these individuals at a later date to schedule interview dates and times. In addition, I was introduced to several Sudanese students at the U of C through colleagues and explained the project to them, gathering names of interested parties. This initial process had a snowball effect whereby interviewees recommended people they knew to contact.

The process of selecting interviewees took two forms. While the majority of participants were selected through convenience, others were strategically selected because of their role within the community. These few participants were interviewed specifically because of the work they do within the community and in relation to their homeland.     

Interviews occurred in homes, campus, community centers, restaurants, and work places. Prior to each interview, there was an informed written consent process that included the option of interview recording as well as ensuring that participants or I chose a pseudonym when requested. An exception to this procedure was made specifically for certain participants including Peter, Dak, Angelo and Stephen, who are members of the Diaspora that hold a publicly open role within the Sudanese community itself. The rest of the participants are assigned pseudonyms.


3.3 Limitations

It must be acknowledged that there are certain limitations within the study that played a role in the data collection. First, I had problems securing a supervisor and that held up the beginning of the research process. To counter this challenge, I focused on other aspects of the study such as the literature review and the ethics application. The timeframe for conducting interviews was constrained. The ethics application process took longer than originally planned, delaying the interview process. As a result, primary data collection was completed later and in a shorter period than desired thus delaying the synthesis process. Second, problems occurred with obtaining female participants. The original goal was to have an equal number of female and male participants, however this proved challenging. This can be attributed to the initial contacts gained at the local community organization who were predominantly men. Ideally, more than 11 participants from various ethnic groups and more females would have been more representative of the Sudanese population in Calgary.

           Third, language barriers proved to be limiting in some of the interviews. Although all participants spoke English, levels of English varied greatly within the population. At points, this resulted in misunderstanding of what was being asked therefore, requiring the reframing of a question or defining a word so that the participants had a clearer understanding.  

           Lastly, the literature on PCR and African Diasporas has been limited. Moreover, secondary data on PCR and Sudanese Diaspora is nonexistent. This made triangulation between primary data and case studies focusing on other African countries in relation to PCR crucial.

Despite the limitations encountered, this study was successful in exploring the relationship between Sudanese Diaspora and their contribution to PCR in South Sudan. Qualitative data collection was useful in exploring this relationship while secondary literature review was useful in identifying the gaps in the literature. This study seeks to fill those gaps by specifically focusing on gathering data on Sudanese Diaspora, acting as a counterbalance to the negative literature on Diaspora in post conflict settings, and generating a context specific study on Sudanese Diaspora and their contribution to PCR in South Sudan.


           Johnson (2003) states that to understand the current situation in Sudan, "one must first understand the role of successive Sudanese states in producing regional underdevelopment and racial and cultural antagonism" (p. 2). Therefore, to understand the current situation, this chapter provides an overview of the history, geography and cultural dispositions of Sudan. The goal of this chapter is not to provide an exhaustive or detailed historical or geographical account of the country but rather to highlight key historical developments to contextualize this study.


4.1 A Brief History

The name Bilad al-Sudan "the land of blacks" was given to the belt of African territory under the Sahara Desert by geographers that now constitutes the area of the Republic of Sudan (Daly & Holt, 1988). Sudan is heterogeneous including a wide variety of linguistic, religious and ethnic differences. Arabic and English are the official languages and there are more than 100 languages and dialects spoken by over 300 tribes across the country (UNDP, 2008). Religiously, about 60 percent of the population is Muslim (mostly in the North), 25 percent practice traditional African religions, and 15 percent is Christian (mostly in the South and in Khartoum) (UNDP, 2008).

           Since the end of the conflict in 2005, South Sudan has been semi-autonomous from the North and includes ten of the twenty six states in the country (Wakabi, 2006).  South Sudan has a land mass of roughly 640,000 square kilometers, with an estimated population ranging between 7.5 and 9.7 million (UNFPA, 2006). The Government of South Sudan (GoSS) is the regional government in the South and exercises authority over the people and the states within the South (Power Sharing Protocol, 2004).  

4.1.1 The Coming of Christianity until Independence in 1956

Considering Sudan's diversity, the Northern part of Sudan with certain exceptions is "Arabic in speech and its people are largely arabized in culture and outlook" (Daly & Holt, 1988 p. 3). In comparison, Southern Sudan contains a variety of ethnic groups and languages and "its people are not generally Muslims, nor do they claim Arab descent" (Daly & Holt, 1988 p. 3). 

Arabization of Northern Sudan resulted from the penetration of the region by tribes who had already migrated from Arabia to Upper Egypt. Today, Sudanese who claim Arab descent belong to one or the other of two divisions, the arabized Nubians or the Juhayna group. Nubia was the area around the middle Nile basin which today is the areas of Northern Sudan and Southern Egypt (Edwards, 2004).

Christianity came to Northern Sudan in the sixth century and Nubian monarchs began converting to the Christian faith (Petterson, 2003; Sidahmed & Sidahmed, 2005). Conquest of Egypt by Muslim Arabs began in 640 AD and threatened Christian Nubia (Daly & Holt, 1998; Sidahmed & Sidahmed, 2005). Frontier raiding by both parties resulted in a pact between the Arabs and Nubians. It was agreed that Muslims would not settle in Nubia, and Nubians would not settle in Egypt (Daly & Holt, 1988; Petterson, 2003). This pact ended in the late fourteenth and early fifteenth centuries when sultans from Egypt sent military expeditions into Nubia (Petterson, 2003). Arab in-migration and intermarriage with the Nubians brought Islam to the area and Christianity eventually gave way to Islam (Petterson, 2003).

Southern Sudan's historical development is quite different from the North (Sidahmed & Sidahmed, 2005). Separated by natural barriers of mountains and rivers, the region was sheltered from external influences keeping a separate social and cultural identity (Sidahmed & Sidahmed, 2005). Nilotic groups such as the Dinka, Nuer, Shilluk and Azande entered the Southern region in the "last decades of the first millennium AD" (Sidahmed & Sidahmed, 2005). Peoples of the Southern and Northern regions largely lived in isolation from one another until the nineteenth century (Sidahmed & Sidahmed, 2005).

 In 1898, the British military invaded Sudan and in 1899 the territory of Sudan became an Anglo-Egyptian Condominium (Petterson, 2003). In the North, the British protected the Arab Islamic values, helped foster modernization, and built an educational system creating an educated Sudanese elite (Petterson, 2003 p. 9). In contrast, the British "devoted few resources to the South" leaving the area "truly underdeveloped" (Petterson, 2003 p. 9). Disparities in development between the North and the South were seen in "education, economic development, and involvement in the government and administration in the country" (Johnson, 2003 p.17). Most of the development that occurred in the South was a result of the Christian missionaries establishing the economy, educational and health systems (Petterson, 2003).

           On the eve of independence in 1955, Southern grievances reached a peak and a mutiny by Southern army officers occurred in the South that targeted symbols of Northern domination (Iyob & Khadiagala, 2006). On January 1 1956, Sudan formally gained independence from the British and Egyptian governments under a provisional constitution (Daly & Holt, 2000). The independence agreement deepened "Northern Islamic hegemony over the largely Christian South" (Iyob & Khadiagala, 2006, p. 80). Southerners contested the interim constitution on two elements. The first contested element was if Sudan should have a secular or Islamic constitution and second, if Sudan should be a federal or unitary state (Johnson, 2003). Essentially, the combination of mutiny and the contested constitution launched Sudan into its first civil war.



4.1.2 The First Civil War

           In 1958 then military commander-in-chief Major General Ibrahim Abboud seized power through a military coup (Daly & Holt, 2000). Abboud suspended the constitution, dissolved the political parties, installed a supreme council and pursued a policy of Arabization and Islamization in the South (Iyob & Khadiagala, 2006; O'Ballance, 2000). In 1962, Abboud expelled the Christian missionaries from the South on the grounds that they were trouble-making, supporting rebels and opposing the government's integration policy; Abboud subsequently closed down all Christian schools in the South by 1964 (O'Ballance, 2000). During this time, the war in the South was increasing and the economic situation throughout the country was worsening (Beshir, 1968). Furthermore, by this time 60,000 Southern Sudanese refugees had fled to Uganda (Daly & Holt, 2000).

After Abboud stepped down from power in late 1964, a civilian government and the legalization of political parties emerged (Johnson, 2003). However, from 1965 to 1969, successive governments were unable to either agree on a "permanent constitution or to cope with problems of factionalism, economic stagnation, and ethnic dissidence" (Dept. of the State, 2007).

Eventually in 1969, a military junta headed by Gaafar Mohammed Nimeiri seized power through a bloodless coup (O'Ballance, 2000). Nimeiri believed that the conflict in the South could be solved politically instead of militarily and that the war in the South was draining the country's resources (Johnson, 2003). As a result, Nimeiri began negotiations with the newly formed political movement Southern Sudan Liberation Movement (SSLM) (Iyob & Khadiagala, 2006). In 1972, the Addis Ababa agreement between the SSLM and the government ended the civil war in Sudan (Johnson, 2003).  Under the agreement, the SSLM and the central government in Khartoum agreed to a cease-fire and the regional autonomy of the South (Iyob & Khadiagala, 2006).

Over the next eleven years, relations between the North and South remained tense. In 1980, tensions grew deeper with the discovery of petroleum in the South resulting in the Nimeiri regime trying to exclude the regional government from the petroleum affairs (Iyob & Khadiagala, 2006). To gain control over the new discovery, Nimeiri introduced a bill to redraw the borders of the South breaking an element of the 1972 peace treaty (Iyob and Khadiagala, 2006). The bill was met with fierce opposition from the South and to downplay Southern protest, Nimeiri dissolved the Southern regional government (Iyob & Khadiagala, 2006; O'Ballance, 2000). Many Southerners rejected the move as an attempt by Nimeiri to gain further control in the South. As a response, John Garang formed the Sudan Peoples' Liberation Movement (SPLM) and the Sudan Peoples' Liberation Army (SPLA) (Iyob & Khadiagala, 2006). 


4.1.3 The Second Civil War

The collapse of the Addis Ababa agreement in 1983 led to renewed fighting in the South. The SPLA consisted of "entirely Southern Sudanese who had been forced into rebellion by the failure of the agreement" (Johnson, 2003, p. 62). The SPLM/ SPLA's manifesto focused on separation from the North, the underdevelopment and inequality in the South, the forced Arabic language and Arab culture and Islam (Johnson, 2003). Garang voiced concerns about the general deterioration of Sudan, including unemployment, inflation, devalued currency and the worsening of social services (Johnson, 2003). In 1983, Nimeiri introduced Islamic Sharia law to the whole of Sudan fuelling the conflict (Iyob & Khadiagala, 2006). Many people from the South opposed the enforcement of Sharia law and "non-Muslims were supposed to be exempt from Islamic penalties, but Sharia law was applied to one and all" (O'Ballance, 2003 p. 132).

In 1985, fighting continued between the SPLA and the Nimeiri government lost power in a military coup (O'Ballance, 2003). In April 1986, elections occurred and the civilian government of Sadiq al Mahdi took power. During his reign, Sharia law continued and the war in the South intensified (Daly & Holt, 2000). Eventually the regime was ousted in a coup by General Umar al-Bashir in June 1989, who was backed by the political party the National Islamic Front (NIF) and Islamists in the army (Daly & Holt, 2000; Iyob & Khadiagala, 2006).  al-Bashir who is the current president and leader of the National Congress Party (NCP) became the "commander-in-chief, prime minister and minister of defence" (Daly & Holt, 2000 p. 186). Furthermore, "the constitution was suspended, parliament was dissolved, political parties and trade unions were banned, and newspapers closed down" (Daly & Holt, 2000 p. 186). After seizing power, the NIF enacted Sharia law into the constitution (Iyob & Khadiagala, 2006).

The 1990's saw a number of regional efforts to put an end to the second Sudanese civil war. Beginning in 1993, the governments of Eritrea, Ethiopia, Uganda, and Kenya established a committee to resolve the civil war in Sudan as members of the Intergovernmental Authority of Development (IGAD) (Johnson, 2003). A second round of IGAD talks occurred in 1994, and the Declaration of Principles (DOP) were drafted (Johnson, 2003). Iyob & Khadiagala (2006) state that "the DOP embodied all the contentious questions about the conflict" including the separation of religion and the state, multi-power democracy and the right of self-determination for the South (p. 105). Over the next few years, several IGAD initiatives proceeded which ultimately led to the Machakos Protocol.


4.1.4 End to the Civil War & the CPA

In July 2002, the Machakos Protocol was signed between the GoS and the SPLM/A symbolizing a breakthrough for the peace process in Sudan. The two parties agreed that Sharia law would apply strictly to the North and that the South would be governed by a secular administration (Iyob & Khadiagala, 2006). Also, Khartoum agreed that after a "transition period of six and a half years [...] the South would decide whether to secede or continue to exist within a united federal Sudan" (Iyob & Khadiagala, 2006). Five more protocols were signed between the GoS and the SPLM/A and on January 9, 2005 the two parties formally signed the CPA (Iyob & Khadiagala, 2006).

The CPA formally ended the civil war and was "predicated on extensive sharing of power, wealth and security arrangements and established an asymmetrical federal system, with the Government of South Sudan (GoSS) existing as a buffer between the central government and Southern states but no parallel regional government in the North" (International Crisis Group, 2005 p. 2). The Government of National Unity (GNU) and the GoSS were established, to form a system of "one country, two systems" (UNDP, 2008). On July 9, 2005, al-Bashir was sworn in as President and John Garang, SPLM leader, as First Vice President in the GNU (International Crisis Group, 2005). On July 30, 2005, the SPLM leader John Garang died and the SPLM named Salva Kiir, Garang's deputy, as First Vice President in the GNU and the President of the GoSS (Dept. of the State, 2007).

After many years of civil conflict, poverty is rampant throughout Sudan. A recent joint WB-United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) mission estimates that "about 60-75% of the population in the North and 90 per cent in the South are estimated to be living below the poverty line of less than US $1 a day" (UNDP, 2008). On the UN's Human Development Index (HDI) Sudan ranks 144th out of 177 countries (UNDP, 2007). The HDI includes measures of human development including: life expectancy, literacy and enrolment rates at the primary, secondary and tertiary level) and per capita income (UNDP, 2007).

Peace is fragile within the country and as the previous chapter indicates, Sudan's past is complex. It must be acknowledged that the root causes of the conflict are difficult to summarize, let alone identify. Years of political and economic instability, ethnic clashes and religious differences have all been identified as contributors to two brutal wars. There are countless effects this conflict has had on many people one of them being the displacement of people both internally and internationally. Many Southern Sudanese have sought refuge in foreign countries including Canada.

4.2 Sudanese Diaspora

Due to the second civil conflict, around 600,000 people sought refuge beyond Sudan's borders (UNMIS, 2008). Abusharaf (2002) states that forced migration is a direct result of war and becomes a "solution of last resort" (p. 54) thus, as a result of conflict, many Sudanese fled Sudan for safer countries. Many Sudanese refugees have spent various amounts of time in bordering countries in refugee camps in Uganda, Egypt, Ethiopia, Chad, Kenya, Congo, and the Central African Republic before moving on to their last country of refuge (Johnson, 2003). The Sudanese that have arrived in Canada and the US since 1989, are "refugees, asylum seekers, visa lottery winners, tourist-visa overstayers or students" (Abusharaf, 2002 p. 12). Several thousand Sudanese have sought refuge in the major urban centers of Alberta (Abu-Laben,, 1999).  Although there is no specific population data on the Sudanese in Calgary, the number of Sudanese in Calgary has steadily increased to roughly 15,000 over the last few years (Dak, 2007).             

Chapter 5: Sudanese Diaspora & PCR in South Sudan

             After nearly 40 years of conflict, South Sudan has been decimated. PCR in South Sudan is a multivariate and complex process that will take generations to accomplish. This chapter identifies certain issues that are pertinent to the PCR process in South Sudan. It highlights specific areas that have been identified by the literature and the interviewees as challenges that must be addressed within the PCR process. This chapter will focus on the socio-economic, socio-cultural and socio-political development issues in South Sudan with specific mention of how the Diaspora is making specific contributions.

5.1 Socio-Economic Development                                                                                                    Socio-economic development is an integral component to PCR in South Sudan. Years of conflict between the North and South paralleled by neglect from successive governments in Khartoum have left the South in desperate need of social and economic development. Specifically, social services such as education and health are in high demand. Furthermore, as displaced persons return to their homes, securing basic needs such food, water and shelter as well as reestablishing income generating activities must occur.

To help meet the socio-economic needs back home the Sudanese Diaspora in Calgary contribute individual and collective remittances. As mentioned in the literature review, migrant transfers are the most visible connection between migrants and their homelands. In 2001, Sudan was within the top five of remittance-receiving countries in Africa (Sorensen, 2004). In 2006, the International Organization of Migration (IOM) reported that remittances back to Sudan totaled 1.4 billion US dollars (IOM, 2007). This sum comprises "current transfers by migrant workers and wages and salaries earned by non-resident workers" (IOM, 2007). This sum is not representative of individual or collective remittances that are not tracked or recorded but instead carried into the country in person. In actuality, the dollar figure of remittances might be much higher. Each interviewee confirmed sending money to family members back home and recipients used the money for a variety of things ranging from education to securing food.

Since the end of the conflict, roughly 250,000 refugees have returned to South Sudan from abroad (UN, 2008). Unfortunately, the conflict destroyed much of the physical infrastructure of the South and for returning refugees, this includes their homes. Peter (2007) who is the GoSS representative in Canada states that during the conflict "villages were completely destroyed by helicopter gunmanship and machine guns." To help secure housing, a number of interviewees stated that their remittances are used by family members to obtain or build a new house (John, 2007; Sabino, 2007; Thomas, 2007).

The war destroyed much of the economic activities of the South (Yongo-Bure, 2007) including primary sector activities (farming, animal husbandry, forestry, fishing and hunting). In 1998 it was estimated that 80 percent of the work force in Sudan was employed by the agricultural sector (UNMIS, 2008). Angelo (2007) commented that during the second civil conflict "people could not work on the farm because they would be shot [...] my tribe relied heavily on livestock and cows...we drank the milk to survive.  [Militants] would loot all the cows, sheeps and grains."  For many refugees who are now returning to Sudan, remittances are helping to sustain livelihoods. Revival of primary sector activities is ongoing and several interviewees expressed that family members that have returned home are subsistence farmers that once again have livestock and grow crops. Family members use remittances to support their agricultural activities and secure food, especially in times of drought and when agricultural production is slow (Dak, 2007; Nyankhor, 2007; Stephen, 2007).

Education in Southern Sudan is "beginning from zero level as it has never had an established educational system" (Yongo-Bure, 2007 p. 116). After independence, Khartoum's educational focus was to "Arabize and Islamize it" while getting rid of the Christian missionaries who were teaching Southerners (Yongo-Bure, 2007 p. 109). In 1964, all schools in the South were shut down and not reopened until 1972. Therefore during this period Southerners were either educated in the North, neighboring countries or in the Southern bushes (Yongo-Bure, 2007). During the first and second civil wars, schools began re-opening in the South. However, "the quality of the schools facilities and the inadequacy of supplies considerably reduced the effectiveness of schools [...] and there were very few trained teachers" (Yongo-Bure, 2007 p. 111). After the peace period and the second civil war intensified, schools were closed in most parts of the South. Many students attended schools for displaced persons in the North; these schools, however, lacked basic resources such as chairs, desks and books (Yongo-Bure, 2007). Once the 1990's came around, education in the South came to a complete standstill (Yongo-Bure, 2007).

Many interviewees identified that the educational sphere is a large problem in the South especially in the rural areas (Peter, 2007; Samuel, 2007; Thomas, 2007). According to recent UNICEF studies, approximately only 20 percent of children in Southern Sudan attend school, "with the percentages declining significantly through the grades" (International Education System, 2005). Enrolment of girls is alarming and it is estimated that only "500 girls attend secondary school throughout the entire region" (International Education System, 2005). Education in rural areas occurs under the trees and is lacking proper materials such as "desks, exercise books and pens" (Thomas, 2007; Peter, 2007). Statistics taken from Southern Sudan and the bordering areas of Abyei, Nuba Mountains and Southern Blue Nile indicate that about "52% of schools are run under trees, 34% in semi-permanent structures and 14% in permanent structures" (Yongo-Bure, 2007 p. 114). In addition, there are problems with securing teachers in these areas. Both Peter (2007) and Thomas (2007) state that there are not many teachers in the South mainly because most trained professionals have fled the country or are concentrated in large cities such as Juba. Furthermore, in the South fewer than 10 percent of teachers have formal training (International Education System, 2005).                                        Both individual and collective remittances are playing a crucial role in securing education for individuals back in Sudan. Individual remittances are used for two purposes. Firstly, monies received help to buy school supplies and pay for fees (Dak, 2007; Samuel, 2007). Secondly, remittances are used to help support students while they are in school. This helps to ensure that students are not only financially supported to attend school, but are able to buy clothes and food that are needed throughout the school year (Nyankhor, 2007; Sara, 2008).                                                                     

Collective remittances are also helping to further educational development in South Sudan. For example, Peter (2007) is using his role as the representative of the GoSS in Canada to mobilize fellow Diaspora and Canadians to contribute to various projects in Sudan. One such project is the Ngapagok School Project in Bahr el Ghazal province, where members of the Sudanese Diaspora and other Calgarians raised money to build a school in Ngapagok. Furthermore, Peter (2007) has used his role to negotiate with the minister of education in Sudan to match the funds raised in Canada to build a school that will house kindergarten to grade twelve. Another example of collective remittances is demonstrated by Samuel (2007) who is spear-heading an initiative to raise money for his community back home. As an elder and respected community leader, Samuel (2007) is currently raising funds with fellow community members to build either a school, clinic or healing centre in his county back home.

Health care in South Sudan has also been identified as a development challenge. The government in Khartoum has been responsible for health planning in Sudan since colonial times (Yongo-Bure, 2007). Health services in the South have been decimated by years of violence. After the first civil war, health facilities were destroyed and reconstruction and repair never occurred before the second civil war (Yongo-Bure, 2007). Health services had almost come to a complete stand-still before the beginning of the second civil war and most of the facilities in the South have been deteriorating since the 1960's (Yongo-Bure, 2007). Apart from minor repairs, no major construction of new health facilities was undertaken after the first war (Yongo-Bure, 2007). Samuel (2007) highlights the need for health facilities, "I lost 3 kids back home because of the lack of health care [...] there is no health care system." He comments further on the health care system by emphasizing the inaccessibility of medication and doctors because of the high costs associated with both (Samuel, 2007). Members of the Diaspora send remittances to family members to pay for hospital, doctor and surgery fees and to buy medication (Nyankhor, 2007; Thomas, 2007; Samuel, 2007). Individual remittances from the Diaspora appear to be the most common way to support family members who need medical attention. 

In addition, there is a shortage of health care workers such as nurses and doctors in South Sudan. In 2004, the World Health Organization (WHO) estimated that there is 1 doctor for every 100,000 people in the South (Wakabi, 2006, 830).  To combat this, a local branch of the international NGO Samaritans Purse, in partnership with the faculty of medicine at the University of Calgary, started a program in 2005 that was dedicated to retraining Sudanese born doctors, who had received medical training in Cuba to practice medicine in South Sudan. Fifteen of the Cuban trained doctors who were living across Canada at the time decided to undergo the retraining program through the faculty of medicine in Calgary. Currently, several of the participants have returned to South Sudan to practice medicine (Donahue, 2006). Thus Sudanese Diaspora is contributing to the development of health care in South Sudan by increasing the number of trained and skilled medical personnel practicing in Sudan.  


5.2 Socio-Political Development

Political instability has characterized Sudan since independence. Amidst political uncertainty, Southerners have often lacked political representation and a political voice, leading to years of marginalization. Since the signing of the CPA there has been progressive political processes and undertakings in South Sudan. Interestingly enough, with a history of political unrest in Sudan and the consequences of such, the Diaspora in Calgary is politically active with respect to politics in their homeland. The Diaspora is maintaining and finding ways to contribute to the political process in South Sudan.

Critical to political reform in Sudan has been the CPA. The International Crisis Group (2007) states that "the CPA addresses [...] most of the grievances of the former rebel SPLM" (p. 3). Within the stipulations of the CPA, the once militia SPLM group is now a political party that holds the majority of the power in the GoSS. Under certain provisions of the CPA, positions within the central and transitional government are split between the GNU and the GoSS (CPA Provisions, 2005). Structurally, the GoSS is 70% SPLM, 15% the NCP, and 15% representing the other Southern Sudan political forces (Gurtong Peace Project, 2006). In addition the president of the newly formed GoSS serves as the vice-president in the GNU (CPA provisions, 2005).                  

Many of the interviewees confirmed that they were members of the SPLM in Calgary. The SPLM has 15 branches in major cities across Canada with membership ranging from 100 to 500 people. The SPLM in Sudan's main objectives are to have democratic transformation and to change Sudan from its current state into one that includes everyone (Peter, 2007).  The SPLM in Canada seeks "to mobilize Diaspora, to support SPLM principles which are equality, justice, freedom and to contribute to development in Sudan" (Peter, 2007). The SPLM chapter in Calgary is run by Angelo (2007) whose main responsibility is to act as a bridge between the host country and the country of origin.  Angelo (2007) explains that "we are trying to encourage companies, humanitarian organizations, churches or whatever...or any person that is willing to do something for the people there... we will build a link for that company, organization or church to go to Sudan."  Central to Peter's (2007) role as representative of the GoSS in Canada, "is to organize Sudanese communities to support SPLM."  He explains, "our main objective is to get Sudanese people together to advocate on their own issues and to make sure that they support the development initiatives that we have in South Sudan" (Peter, 2007). A major foreign policy objective of the SPLM is to ask "all Sudanese to support the CPA to make sure it takes place" (Peter, 2007).  Furthermore, the president of South Sudan Salva Kiir is trying to develop relations in Canada to encourage foreign investment in Sudan (Sabino, 2007; John, 2007).

In addition to encouraging and supporting development initiatives in South Sudan, the SPLM lobbies the Canadian government to support projects that will benefit development in South Sudan (Angelo, 2007).  For example, in July 2007, then foreign minister Peter Mackay met with the SPLM representatives in Canada who raised their concerns about the lack of the Canadian government's involvement in South Sudan (Angelo, 2007). Peter (2007) explains that the Canadian government played a major role in the promotion of the signing of the CPA, however, since the signing the government has "suddenly disappeared." Furthermore, Peter (2007) suggests that the role "Canada can play is very important...we are hoping that they will step up and help." Lastly, the SPLM and GoSS representatives are working to negotiate with the Government of Canada (GoC) to open a liaison office between the GoC and the GoSS which would focus on business, education, technology and other development activities in South Sudan (Angelo, 2007).

 Other members within the Diaspora support the Calgary chapter of the SPLM by being members.  Nyankhor (2007) states;

the intention of [being party members] is to recruit potential party members, people who would support SPLM party. There is a very diverse Sudanese community here and some of them are not necessarily supporters of the SPLM. So our job is to get the word out there and get them to register and be a party member of the SPLM. If there is any contribution needed for an SPLM party they can contribute.


In addition to a membership fee that supports the party in Calgary and in Sudan, members contribute to fundraising efforts (Nyankhor, 2007). In contrast, a number of the interviewees felt that the political sphere is not applicable to them (Dak, 2007; Sara, 2008; Tamra, 2008). Therefore, not all members of the Diaspora have political ties and should not be considered as such. No specific reasons were highlighted to explain the support or lack of political efforts. Additionally, with the presidential elections in 2009 and the self-determination referendum in 2011, the SPLM is trying to mobilize Diaspora support across Canada to effectively participate in the election and referendum (Nyankhor; 2007; Thomas, 2007). Although this is not guaranteed at this point, Peter (2007) explains that he is actively seeking cooperation from the GoC to ensure this will happen. It can be determined from the data that a number of the Diaspora are politically active in Calgary. Diaspora activities contribute to the political development and reform in South Sudan as well as their political involvement in Canadian politics and Sudanese politics is useful in supporting development efforts back home.

5.3 Socio-Cultural Development


Inherent to the civil conflict in the South was the "cultural subjugation through imposition of Arabic culture and Islamic values on the people of South Sudan in a deliberate attempt to destroy their African culture and heritage" (Teny-Dhurgon, 1995).  Since the signing of the CPA, Sharia law has been applied only to the North, allowing Christian and traditional religious practicing Southerners to function in a society with cultural and religious freedom. Furthermore, the CPA states that the parties must have "respect for fundamental rights and freedoms of the individual, mutual understanding and tolerance of diversity within the realities of the Sudan" (CPA, 2005 p. 11). Acknowledging, appreciating and respecting the complex diversity within Sudan should limit the cultural subjugation groups within the South endured.         In Calgary, many people within the Diaspora are active in the socio-cultural development of the homeland. Through a variety of activities the Diaspora maintains and strives to build upon existing socio-cultural relationships with their home country and with members of the Diaspora in Calgary. Communication between Diaspora and the homeland encourages the sharing of ideas of peace and reconciliation. Furthermore, local Sudanese organizations throughout the city serve to help community members here in addition to helping people contribute to their home land.    Important to socio-cultural development is the promotion of reconciliation. Reconciliation helps to heal people and rebuild relationships. Specifically, the Sudanese Diaspora opinion is split in relation to reconciliation. Many of the interviewees confirmed that they have forgiven the individuals that have caused these atrocities (Angelo, 2007; Nyankhor, 2007; Samuel, 2007; Stephen, 2007; Tamra, 2008) however, they cannot forgive the GoS. Just as important, Sara (2007) cannot forgive either the individuals or the government. Stephen's (2007) heartfelt words reiterate the feelings of a number of the interviewees, "I can forgive somebody that did this to us but I can't forget it." Angelo (2007) goes on to explain, "it is we Southerners as well as Christians and [others of indigenous African religions] that have the spirit of forgiveness."

Under the CPA, both parties are responsible for initiating a process of "reconciliation and healing throughout the country as part of the peace building process" (CPA Provisions, 2005 p.11). In the context of South Sudan, and key to the reconciliation process, the GoS must recognize their mistakes and the pain they have caused the people of Sudan. The SPLM is pushing for the creation of a reconciliation committee whose goal is to make those people that have committed these atrocities to come out and say ‘I apologize for the mistakes that we have done' (Angelo, 2007). Angelo (2007) states that currently, Northern representation in the GNU is unwilling to create the committee of reconciliation, thus challenging the implementation of the CPA.

All interviewees confirmed that they maintain communication between themselves and family and friends within their home country. Communication between family members and friends occurs through, email, phone and letters (Angelo, 2007; Dak, 2007; Tamra, 2008). Communication may be difficult to maintain at times, however, there seems to be a sense of deep commitment to maintain those links. Stephen emphasizes that "if I know someone in a refugee camp and they are in a desperate situation and I know they need help, I have to call that person and talk to them" (2007). As a preacher, Samuel (2007) states, "I encourage my people to talk to each other. I also encourage people to live peacefully and that they should contribute to peace in our country and not war."                               

Local Sudanese organizations, formal and informal, scattered throughout the city serve to help community members here and inadvertently help people to contribute further to their home country. Many of the interviewees are intimately involved with local organizations that serve a variety of services for local Sudanese. One such organization is the African Sudanese Association of Calgary (ASAC), providing services to help migrants resettle in Canada. In addition, ASAC provides an environment that is "open to any individual or group" and where members of Diaspora can "obtain information if they need help" (Dak, 2007). The Calgary Sudanese Family Integration Centre is another local organization that strives to help Sudanese families integrate into Calgary. Stephen, who is the youth coordinator at the organization, raises an interesting point when he states, "when [newcomers] adjust and become okay with themselves and they know what they are doing, they will be willing to contribute to the South" (2007). Local organizations are integral within the integration process which could potentially benefit South Sudan. The better the situation for the Diaspora in Calgary the better the chances of the Diaspora having a larger positive impact in their home country is likely.

In addition to more formal organizations, members of the Diaspora gather for various functions, celebrations and events. For example, Angelo (2007) created the informal organization the New Canadian Sudanese of Alberta in Calgary so that members of the community can "communicate and practice their culture."  Members of the Diaspora convene on Saturdays to watch videos from back home, relax, play cards, and eat traditional foods (Angelo, 2007). Angelo states that "because we have been in this war and some of us have been traumatized, some people are chaotic because of the war...a lot of bombardment...a lot of them were close to dying. So we are trying to create a place where people can relax and participate in recreational activities."

Spiritual and community support in Canada furthers socio-cultural development both in Canada and in Sudan. Samuel (2007) mentions that there is an organization called the Southern Sudan Council of Churches that is trying to build a church in Calgary for all the people from Southern Sudan. He also dreams that one day "we [the council] can go to our home as a team and preach to our people about the work of god" (Samuel, 2007).

Lastly, the Diaspora in Calgary organizes activities to raise local awareness about the situation in their home country. For example, to raise awareness, Sabino (2007) speaks with local churches to inform them about what is going on in Sudan. Additionally, several interviewees felt that contributing to this research helps with raising awareness about Sudan (John, 2007; Sabino, 2007; Tamra, 2007).

It can be determined that after many years of conflict that PCR in South Sudan is a multivariate and complex process. Identified throughout the chapter are challenges within the PCR process in South Sudan. Generally, addressing the root causes of the conflict can move South Sudan forward in the post-conflict phase as well to the process of PCR. Specifically, socio-economic, socio-political and socio-cultural development is shown to be necessary in South Sudan. Furthermore, this chapter displays how the Diaspora has shouldered a portion of the responsibilities of rebuilding their country. Significant contributions have been made in many areas in a variety of ways thus indicating that the Diaspora is in fact contributing to the socio-economic, socio-cultural and socio-political development issues in South Sudan.




CHAPTER 6: The Desire, Demand & CHALLENGE to Contribute TO PCR IN SOUTH SUDAN                     

While interviewees share individually unique experiences as refugees in Calgary, their collective identity highlights the general desire to contribute to their homeland. While many of the interviewees have not returned to their homeland in years and others have more recently, the feeling of contributing to the homeland remains strong among all participants. This has presented itself through the numerous individual and collective activities undertaken by the Sudanese Diaspora and varying from lobbying the GoC, to sending remittances, to political, cultural and economic activities.       

The connection that is maintained and the actions that follow can be attributed to the push/pull factor of the desire and demand to contribute. The desire or push to contribute to the homeland is very strong within the Diaspora. Okmoe (2007) states that "philanthropy is a central ideal to being a good person within the context of African traditional mores" (p. 163). This ideal resonates within the Diaspora thus linking the group via their desire to contribute to the homeland. Thomas (2007) states, "I don't know what I can do but, I try my best for my nation... I should work for my people, they are my blood." This quote exemplifies the intimate link that is maintained and the desire to help people within their country. Peter (2007) goes further to state that;

All Sudanese have one unique characteristic...well most that are in Canada...and that is that they didn't choose to leave Sudan. They left Sudan because of war and always somewhere in the back of their heads want to return once peace comes back to Sudan. Because of that, they have a lot of connection with the Sudan, and their relatives and they always want to support them.  


While some interviewees stated that they were unsure where they would reside in the future, (John, 2007; Nyankhor, 2007; Peter, 2007; Sabino, 2007; Samuel, 2007; Stephen, 2007; Thomas, 2007; Tamra, 2008) others share that they see themselves living in Canada for the remainder of their lives (Angelo, 2007; Dak, 2007; Sara, 2008). Nyankhor (2007) highlights the difficulty of having to choose where to reside, "[Canada] will remain a part of me and so will Sudan. I would not detach my connection from either of the two." Regardless of future residence, the Diaspora is contributing now, and will be in the future through projects, studying, political activities, development initiatives and remittances.

Each interviewee is contributing to their homeland and this can be attributed to the desire to support families, friends and country thus improving the situation for all. Samuel's (2007) words indicate his level of commitment to his homeland, "when you are born, you are born to serve your people and your country." Nyankhor (2007) explains, "I would love to go back [to Sudan] and help [...] it will happen one way or the other. I am hoping to go back there, work and help out." Other interviewees are waiting to finish their schooling in Calgary so that they may contribute further to their homeland. Although each interviewee has a different plan on how they may contribute, they each have that desire to contribute to the greater good and progress of the country.

Accompanying the push factor or desire to contribute, there is the pull or demand factor placed upon the Diaspora by friends and family in the homeland. Many interviewees have left their wives, husbands, parents and siblings and friends to come to Canada while family members back home struggle for survival. Due to poverty in the homeland, the Diaspora is expected to support the ones they love.

Supporting family back home is a "huge obligation on the Diaspora" (Sabino, 2007) and one that carries large expectations.  Peter (2007) states that a "Sudanese expectation" is to look after family back home, and that doing otherwise is a "huge betrayal" that "cannot happen." In addition to the Sudanese expectation, the majority of the Diaspora is simultaneously supporting themselves, immediate and extended families here and families back home. Stephen (2007) raises both the expectation and some of the hardship that accompanies being in Canada;

[...] when I am [in Canada], [my parents] expect to get something from me. But what can I do? Do I only go to school and they don't get anything from me? Or do I just work and not go to school? These are things that conflict in daily life. I am doing both. I see the difficulties in doing both. I am working day and night very hard. I am sleeping only 3 or 4 hours every night because I want change.   


Stephen's experience is not uncommon amongst the interviewees. Nyankhor (2007) shares a similar experience;

[...] something I have to deal with is when a person calls me and tells me their situation and that they need help. I have to look at my budget and see if I can squeeze out some dollars and send it over. But there are certain situations where I have no choice and I have to do whatever I need to do.


These quotes highlight how the Diaspora is faced with the daily struggle to send remittances back while supporting themselves. The obligation and strong sense of commitment to family, friends and country shines through within the group. It is evident that regardless of their current situations in Calgary, many make a personal sacrifice to support loved ones back home.

In addition to the personal sacrifice that is made by each member of the Diaspora, it is important to note that there are challenges that the Diaspora face in Calgary that may limit or hinder their contribution to their homeland. Newcomers encounter numerous challenges when coming to Canada and Calgary that may complicate their ability to contribute to their homeland as much as they desire. Although challenges for each member are different, there are common themes that were raised throughout the interviews. Themes raised by the interviews included; emotional trauma, job security, education, language skills and rising living costs.

Emotional trauma is often associated with people who have endured conflict and stressful experiences. All of the interviewees have experienced horrific and unimaginable events throughout their lives. Thomas (2007) recounts the conflict;   

[...] there where air strikes all over the area...gunshots this is something I have witnessed in my life. During the night when the people try to cook the food for the young ones the [GoS troops] would see the fire and see the people, the [GoS troops] would bombard all them. The bombardment was all day, every day. This was a very targeted and very terrible war. Sometimes the SPLA would move in and help clean out areas. When the military from the GoS came into an area and didn't find the SPLA they would put it onto innocent people. They would castrate the men, cut the faces of the women, cut the arms off the young people raping some of them, throw the newborns into the river... it was really very bad... I go to tears if I go back (2007). 


Personal experiences are similar for each interviewee. Understandably, the combination of coming to Calgary and the experience of the conflict can lead to emotional trauma. Stephen states that many Sudanese in Calgary suffer from emotional trauma, low self esteem and depression, possibly due to the separation from family members and low incomes which leads to other issues such as family violence, divorce, drinking and youth dropout (2007). Angelo (2007) comments further about youth problems;

kids are drug dealers, wandering in the street because these kids, they were in war. Some have traveled from country to country...many different systems and languages so it is hard for them to get an education. Also, children are placed in grades because of their age not on what they know. If the child fails to understand the teacher, the child may wind up on the street.


Collectively or individually, these problems may limit the ability of members in community to integrate let alone contribute to their homeland. Both Stephen (2007) and Angelo (2007) believe that a community centre for the Sudanese in Calgary is crucial. Angelo (2007) believes that a centre could effectively help youth who encounter problems with schooling. Additionally, Stephen (2007) states that a centre could potentially help community members that are struggling to integrate.

Also, job security has been identified as being a problem within the community. "It is hard for Sudanese people to get jobs to support their family" (Nyankhor, 2007). This could be attributed to the unequal educational levels between some Diaspora and other Canadians (John, 2007; Nyankhor, 2007; Sabino, 2007) or the lack of sufficient language of some members in the Diaspora (Sara, 2007). Peter (2007) believes that rising living costs in Calgary may also limit an individual's ability to contribute. Essentially, rising living costs in addition to lack of job security may limit the amount of money that the Diaspora is able to send. Unfortunately, these factors can work individually or in conjunction to challenge the ability of Diaspora to contribute.

           Although the Diaspora face a number of challenges such as adapting to a new country, and the emotional effects of the war, they still manage to contribute in a myriad of ways to their homeland. Despite the pull factor, or demand to contribute that is placed on Diaspora, the push factor, or desire to contribute is internally bodied and strong within the community. Although many members of the Diaspora may never reside in Sudan again, they continually make personal sacrifices to contribute to their home country as much as possible. The Diasporas sense of commitment and drive to support loved ones pushes the Diaspora to contribute in any number of ways; economic, political, social or cultural.           






Chapter 7: Discussion & CONCLUSION

             The data presented has given specific insight on the relationship between the process of PCR in South Sudan and the Sudanese Diaspora in Calgary, Alberta. Based on the findings, this thesis determines that the Sudanese Diaspora in Calgary is contributing to the PCR process by furthering the socio-economic, socio-political and socio-cultural development in South Sudan. The following discussion will provide an analysis of these issues in addition to concluding remarks. 

Socio-economic development is an integral part of PCR in South Sudan. The data reveals that the Diaspora make significant contributions to the socio-economic development of South Sudan. This is primarily achieved through remittances sent to South Sudan.  Both collective and individual remittances that the Diaspora send home assist in securing basic needs, education and health services for family and friends back home. Remittances seem to be the easiest and most viable way for the Diaspora to contribute to the PCR process in South Sudan.

 In the context of Sudan, marginalization by governments in the North caused socio-economic underdevelopment in the South. Conflict became a necessary reaction for Southerners. Remittances challenge the root causes of the conflict by addressing poverty and marginalization thus stabilizing tensions and furthering the PCR process. Remittances expand livelihoods at the local level, especially in the rural areas as it supports farming and agricultural production of returning refugees. Furthermore, by developing local level livelihoods, remittances, have an important role in deterring further conflict. Essentially, by furthering local level development and sustainable income generating activities through remittances, the desire to return to conflict is mitigated.

It is worth noting that Diaspora remittances and actions are fueling the development of and access to the educational and health sectors in South Sudan. Education is key to the socio-economic development in South Sudan. Education is a right that all youth in Sudan should have and by increasing access to education, the Diaspora is contributing to future generations in Sudan. Not only will an educated population in Sudan contribute to further development of the South, but it will also provide countless opportunities to future generations in Sudan. Additionally, remittances and trained medical personnel returning to South Sudan are assisting in creating a physically healthy society. As remittances help to rebuild local level livelihoods, the income generated by new economic development as a result of remittances, may be used to further local development of education and health care. Income generated within communities can be used for a variety of improvements such as school buildings, health clinics, teacher training and employment, and equipment and medical supplies for both schools and clinics.

Although Mohamoud (2006) identified collective remittances as potentially being used for conflict promoting activities, this is inaccurate with respect to the Sudanese Diaspora. It was found that collective remittances were strictly being used to fund the construction of schools and providing schools with resources. To curb the potential negativity surrounding collective remittances, the Diaspora could do a number of things. For instance, the Diaspora could create non-profit organizations that allow for transparency which will monitor where funds are being allocated and how they are being used. As well, the Diaspora may raise funds collectively and then donate their funds to reputable NGO's that are working in South Sudan. The flip side to this, however, is that a portion of funds will be lost to costs incurred within the NGO such as wages and administrative costs.

 In the context of South Sudan, political development is necessary within the PCR process. Literature on PCR and specifically on PCR in South Sudan reveals that political reform and political participation are necessary to meet the development challenges of South Sudan.  Looking at the political history of the country since independence, political instability has been common and Southern political participation has been limited. Political involvement within the Diaspora is deep. High Diasporic activity in politics can be accredited to the political nature of the conflict in conjunction with the GoS' use of political policies to marginalize Southerners.

Despite the political nature of the conflict in Sudan, not all members of the Diaspora have political ties. This is important to note because the political sphere can be highly controversial as well as debatable. Controversy arises because homeland politics can be a sensitive issue. Often interests of political groups may not coincide with the majority of the population's political views, values or beliefs. Additionally, the sphere of politics may lack transparency within which is necessary to reveal true political practices and goals.

Certainly, as Mohamoud (2006) stated in chapter two, the activities of the Diaspora might have a negative impact on the peace process in the home country. Mohamoud indicated that Diaspora could possibly fund rebel groups or warlords which strain the peace and stability within. In the case of Sudanese Diaspora in Calgary this was not directly found or expressed by the interviewees. It is worth noting that, interviewees may have not disclosed this information because of the sensitivity of the issue. Potentially, activities of such nature could have negative consequences in the host country.  Realistically, funding of such groups is highly unlikely because all of the interviewees who were politically active, supported the SPLM, the political party in control of the South. 

The majority of the interviewees supported the SPLM chapter in Calgary and in Sudan through political membership and activities in Calgary. Although I specifically wanted to interview the GoSS representative (Peter), I did not actively seek out an interview with SPLM representative (Angelo) or SPLM members. This occurred by chance and may be a bias within the study, as it may over represent the number of SPLM members and representatives in Calgary. However, this research would be incomplete if it did not include both Peter and Angelo.  

By supporting the SPLM and the implementation of the CPA, the Diaspora seeks democratic reform, secularization of the political process in the South, the presidential election in 2009, and the referendum in 2011. Furthermore, the Diaspora may have the chance to vote in the 2009 presidential election in the unity government as well as the referendum slated for 2011 thus increasing their political participation which is crucial to the PCR process in South Sudan.

In the Canadian political realm, the Diaspora plays a role in lobbying the GoC to ensure the CPA is implemented in Sudan as planned. This is an effective approach for the Diaspora to take as the GoC could potentially influence the behavior of the GoS through such mechanisms as foreign relations, bilateral aid and trade. Diaspora lobbying of the GoC may increase bilateral ODA to South Sudan. Essentially, funds from the GoC could further the PCR process in South Sudan by contributing to specific economic, political and social development activities.

While the Sudanese have experienced political upheaval for most of their lives in Sudan they also experienced cultural and religious persecution. Cultural and religious persecution was a dominant factor in the conflict. Many Southerners, who practiced Christianity and traditional African religions, were persecuted, killed and forced to leave their homeland because of those beliefs. As a result of such conditions, the Diaspora actively practices a variety of cultural activities in Calgary which secures and further develops their identities as well as encourages the Diaspora to contribute to the socio-cultural development in the homeland.

As mentioned earlier, reconciliation fosters repair of broken relationships between feuding parties. Although the Diaspora has been equally affected by the conflict they are able to remain objective in relation to the conflict. Objectivity is achieved primarily through distance and removal from the situation and objectivity may be transmitted back to friends and family. Unfortunately, as Angelo highlighted, the GoS has not created a reconciliation committee as stated in the CPA therefore, impeding a crucial step in the peace process. To overcome this roadblock in the implementation of the CPA, the Diaspora in Calgary could lobby the GoC to push the GoS to uphold their agreement, thus helping the reconciliation and PCR process in Sudan.

In Calgary, the Diaspora communicates ideas about their identity back to their homeland. Between the Diaspora here, and family and friends back home, the sharing of culture, ideas, religion and beliefs are communicated between the two through letters, email, phone calls and personal visits. After years of persecution and war, Southerners in Sudan are able to be who they are- in all aspects, and the Diaspora support the human development of people in Sudan through the relationships and social support maintained in Calgary.

Important to preserving the Sudanese culture in Calgary are local community organizations. These organizations are crucial in helping the Sudanese people in Calgary with integration which will positively help the Diaspora contribute to their homeland and maintain their culture, identities and beliefs. Moreover, local organizations help to raise local awareness about their activities, homeland and the current situation in Sudan. Effectively, this can have a snowball effect whereby newly educated locals can take up initiatives, projects and local and federal government lobbying on their own or in collaboration with members of the community to contribute to the PCR process in South Sudan.

Despite Diaspora success in contributing to their homeland, there are several challenges that the Diaspora face in Calgary. Issues range from alcoholism to youth drop out and lack of job security just to identify a few. To improve Diaspora success in Calgary, the Diaspora must overcome the challenges that are associated with migration and emotional trauma due to conflict and integration.

Local community organizations are playing a huge role in helping the community. By investing in the community here, the Diaspora is inadvertently helping the community back home. To curb troubles encountered in Calgary, a number of the Diaspora suggested (as mentioned in chapter 6) that the Diaspora would greatly benefit from a community centre. This centre could be multifaceted, housing local community organizations that serve the community, helping youth with schooling, providing cultural activities and language courses, (traditional and English as a second language). Providing a safe space where the community could gather, communicate and support would help the community deal with a number of their problems.

In conjunction to the challenges, the desire and demand to contribute is strong. The desire to contribute is inherent within the Diaspora while the demand only pushes them further. The line between desire and demand is hard to distinguish. While it seems these may be push/pull factors, on closer examination these two may not be so easy to divide. The Sudanese expectation is to take care of family and loved ones. Inherent within traditions and upbringing, this value is not forgotten once they reach Canada, in fact it becomes stronger. The knowledge that Diaspora has of the homeland, the past and future struggles only solidifies the deep commitment to everything associated with Sudan. The demand to contribute is normal within the community, and since they have arrived in Canada, the expectation is the same and exists regardless of location.

Though they have faced and continue to face numerous challenges, it is obvious that the Sudanese Diaspora in Calgary is resilient. The struggle of living through conflict, leaving their home, coming to Calgary and integrating into western society and culture is remarkable. The fact that this community balances the daily struggles of being both Sudanese and Canadian, simultaneously attending school, holding jobs, raising family, and maintaining and creating friendships while supporting their communities is nothing short of amazing.      

The closeness with Sudan, family and friends and community members here is undeniably the most important factor within the transnational relationship. Moreover, the support that community members give to each other is undeniable. With all the problems and challenges within their lives, the members of the Diaspora find solace in one another. The bond found within one another, from shared experiences and memories, keeps the Sudanese community together and succeeding in Calgary, and when contributing to their homeland.   

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  1. Can you tell me a little about yourself?

a) Where do you come from in Sudan?

b) How long have you been here in Canada/Calgary?

c) Where is your family?

d) Why did you leave Sudan?


  1. Do you see yourself in Canada for a long period time or is your time in Calgary/Canada seen as temporary?


  1. How do you see things (your life) fitting in with Sudan at any point, or has it already?


  1. What factors (why do you) or (why don't you) want to go back to Sudan?


  1. If you did return to Sudan what capacity would you return to Sudan? Doing what? How long? For whom? What are you goals?


  1. Can you tell me a little about what your country was like when you left?


  1. Will you mind telling me something/anything about how and where you/have been affected by the conflict? (Socially, politically, economically or physically)--community here or back home?


  1. Are you part of any kinds of activities/projects in Calgary that have a links to Sudan?


  1. Are you part of any political group, association or organization in Calgary that has links to Sudan?


  1. What links do you maintain with your home country? (What is the nature of this relationship?) If not why?


  1. Do you have any business engagements in Sudan? If so, what?


  1. Do you send money home? To whom? How often? What is the money used for?


  1. Do you feel that you have responsibility to or for any one in Sudan? In what capacity? Are there expectations?


  1. Will you mind telling me something/anything about how the activities or actions that you have partaken or are partaking in now address the problems that affected you/and or your country previously or now?--community here or back home?


  1. What do you think are some of the development or reconstruction challenges that facing your country?


  1. Do you see yourself as contributing directly or indirectly to development in Sudan? (Socially, politically, economically)


  1. What do you think are some of the challenges that you or other Sudanese in Calgary face that may limit their contribution to the reconstruction or development efforts in Sudan?


  1. Do you think you have forgiven the people that have caused these atrocities?


  1. Do you see yourself contributing directly or indirectly to post conflict reconstruction in Sudan?